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ANALYSIS, ARTICLES, International

Ibrahim Traoré’s Burkina Faso: Nationalist Gains, Reactionary Retreats, and the Struggle for People’s Power

Burkina Faso’s latest military ruler, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, has launched a series of bold economic reforms aimed at reclaiming national sovereignty. But alongside nationalist victories, his government has pursued deeply reactionary policies—most notably criminalizing homosexuality—and remains wedded to military rule. As Third Way long admired Thomas Sankara’s radical vision for the country, many ask: can Traoré balance genuine reform with inclusive governance, or will entrenched coup culture block lasting progress?

ACCRA, GHANA – May 25, 2024: Various Africans and people in the black diaspora gather in Accra to march in solidarity with Africa unity and the interim President of Burkina Faso, Ibrahim Traoré.

Economic Sovereignty and Nationalist Wins

Traoré has aggressively wrested control of key resources from foreign hands. His administration has:

  • Nationalized the Boungou and Wahgnion gold mines, investing around $80 million to bring them under state ownership.
  • Built Burkina Faso’s first domestic gold refinery, processing up to 400 kg daily and keeping value-added profits at home.
  • Fully repaid roughly $4.7 billion in external debt, rejecting new IMF and World Bank loans to assert financial independence.
  • Banned exports of unrefined gold, ensuring that raw materials fuel local industry rather than lining foreign coffers.

These measures echo Thomas Sankara’s call for resource sovereignty—but today’s Third Way, admirers of Sankara’s legacy, watch closely to see if these gains truly serve Burkinabè first.


Social Investments for Citizens

On the domestic front, Traoré has directed state revenues into public services and rural development:

  • Raised civil servant salaries by 50% while cutting ministers’ and MPs’ pay by 30%.
  • Distributed tractors, pumps, and tillers to farmers, driving staple yields up by 14–21%.
  • Launched low-cost housing projects for families displaced by insurgency.
  • Rolled out mobile clinics and free cataract surgeries to underserved communities.

These populist moves shore up grassroots support—and demonstrate the potential of nationalist economics to deliver tangible benefits.


Reactionary Retreat: Anti-LGBTQ Legislation

In mid-2024, Traoré’s government ushered in a harsh Personal and Family Code amendment criminalizing homosexuality and “related practices.” This law—widely seen as diversionary—distracts from core security challenges by stoking conservative sentiment. Rather than fostering genuine inclusion, it mirrors a broader trend across the Sahel of reactionary social policies that betray democratic ideals.


In Sankara’s Shadow: A Tale of Two Revolutions

Third Way thinkers have long celebrated Thomas Sankara’s four-year revolution (1983–87) for its sweeping social programs and ethical governance. Yet comparing Sankara and Traoré reveals stark divergences as well as similarities:

AspectThomas SankaraIbrahim Traoré
Resource strategyNationalized land and promoted local industriesState takeover of gold mines; domestic refining
Social visionMass literacy; women’s emancipationPay rises; rural mechanization; reactionary laws
Foreign alignmentNon-aligned Pan-AfricanismPivot from France toward Russia; Sahel alliance
Governance modelRevolutionary council; civic mobilizationMilitary junta; elections deferred pending security

While Traoré embraces Sankara’s anti-imperialist spirit, his retreat into social conservatism and continued military rule mark a departure from Sankara’s people-centered activism.


Coup Culture and the Case for People’s Power

Burkina Faso’s post-independence history is scarred by eight successful coups, each promising swift reform before sliding into authoritarian stagnation. Military leadership may deliver short-term stability or nationalist fervor—but it cannot forge enduring institutions. True sovereignty arises when power rests with the people through transparent, participatory governance.

For Burkina Faso to break the cycle, it needs more than resource nationalism or reactionary legislation. It demands elections, robust civil society, and a constitution that binds rulers to citizens. Only then can Sankara’s dream—and Traoré’s nationalist ambitions—evolve into a democracy that truly belongs to Burkinabè themselves.

By Pat Harrington

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