Redefining Politics: Nationalism vs. Globalism in Modern Britain

1,470 words, 8 minutes read time.

In today’s Britain, the old labels of “right-wing” and “left-wing” no longer fit. Political divides have shifted, and the real battle is between localism and globalism, nationalism and multinational corporate interests. The traditional “right” has split into two opposing camps: the Tory Right, obsessed with wealth and global markets, and the Nationalist Right, focused on family, community, and protecting Britain’s identity. Meanwhile, the “left” has been overtaken by progressive ideologies that prioritize social liberalism over the needs of the working class. This article explores why we need a new political movement—one that rejects both the greedy capitalism of the Tories and the woke globalism of modern Labour—and how a populist, nationalist vision can unite voters from all sides.

The Two “Rights” and the Globalist Trap

The Tory Right worships money and markets. They admire entrepreneurs like Alan Sugar and see nothing wrong with chain stores wiping out small businesses or foreign companies buying iconic British brands like Rolls-Royce. To them, it’s “survival of the fittest.” They backed Thatcher’s policies that ended subsidies for British industries, leaving them vulnerable to overseas competition. They cheer for wars that enrich global elites and arms dealers while waving the flag to “feel patriotic,” even though these conflicts rarely benefit Britain. Their philosophy is materialistic, serving the elite under the guise of nationalism. In contrast, the Nationalist Right values family, community, and nation. They support locally owned businesses, co-ops, and protectionist policies to shield British industries from unfair competition. Nationalists prefer neutrality in foreign conflicts, knowing that wars often enrich globalists, not the public. While the Tory Right claims to support social conservatism, their actions show they’re more aligned with global corporations than with ordinary Britons. These two visions are opposites, yet the Tories have historically attracted some nationalists by pretending to share their values. Today’s Tories, however, embrace much of the same social liberalism as Labour, leaving nationalists without a true voice in mainstream politics.

The Decline of “Left” and “Right”

The old definitions of “left” and “right” no longer work. “Right-wing” used to mean supporting free markets and private enterprise without regulation, while “left-wing” meant the opposite. But years ago, you could be a socially conservative socialist—many old Labour voters were. They valued tradition, family, and community while supporting public ownership and workers’ rights. Similarly, some Tories were socially liberal but economically conservative. Now, “right-wing” is a messy label, often tied to Brexit, capitalism, or opposing “woke” culture. Yet the Tories are barely less progressive than Labour on social issues. If a party opposes unregulated markets, globalization, and foreign ownership of British industries, is it “right-wing”? If it supports rent controls or economic intervention, can it still be called “right-wing”? Such a party could just as easily draw votes from Labour or the Liberal Democrats as from the Tories, especially since Labour has abandoned its working-class roots for globalist policies.

The Progressive Takeover

The real enemy isn’t socialism—it’s progressivism. Progressivism, rooted in middle-class liberalism and ideas from thinkers like Walter Benjamin and Saul Alinsky, pushes for open borders, multiculturalism, and non-traditional family structures. It dominates institutions like the NHS, schools, universities, the media, and even the monarchy. Progressives make up only 10-15% of the population, concentrated in areas like Inner London, Brighton, university towns, and certain multicultural or affluent commuter-belt communities. Yet their influence is everywhere, creating the illusion that they control the country. This progressive elite has alienated traditional Labour voters, who feel ignored by middle-class activists preaching about immigration and diversity. Meanwhile, the Tories have done nothing to reverse this cultural shift. They’re too busy protecting big business and their own wealth to care about conserving British traditions or identity.

A New Populist Vision

To break this cycle, Britain needs a new populist movement that combines right-of-center social policies with left-of-centr economics. This movement would reject both the Tories’ dog-eat-dog capitalism and Labour’s woke globalism. It would stand for: Localism: Supporting small businesses, co-ops, and protectionist policies to keep British industries alive. Anti-Globalism: Opposing multinational corporations and foreign ownership of British assets. Neutrality: Staying out of foreign wars that only benefit global elites. Community and Identity: Defending traditional values, family, and Britain’s cultural heritage. Economic Fairness: Backing workers’ rights, fair wages, affordable housing, and public services like the NHS. Such a party could unite working-class Tory voters in places like Clacton with working-class Labour voters in places like Barnsley. These voters share the same frustrations: distrust of big business, worries about immigration, and a desire for secure jobs and communities. A populist party could also pull in non-voters—those who’ve given up on the system because they see no difference between the mainstream parties.

The Role of Parties Like UKIP and Reform UK

Parties like UKIP and Reform UK could lead this charge, but they need to rethink their strategies. Reform UK, for example, seems too close to the Tory Right, focusing on business interests rather than workers’ needs. Its reluctance to tackle cultural issues head-on and its potential merger with the Tories after the next election suggest it’s not the radical change Britain needs. Post-Farage UKIP, on the other hand, has a chance to build a broader coalition by working with other patriotic parties, such as the National Housing Party UK, the Alliance For Freedom And Democracy etc, but it needs to grasp the nettle. The goal is to win enough seats—20 or 30 in marginal constituencies—to disrupt the system. If patriotic parties can create a “third force,” neither Labour nor the Tories could form a government without forming a coalition to keep populists out. This chaos would expose the mainstream parties’ similarities and fuel the growth of the populist movement, as seen with parties like Le Pen’s in France or the AfD in Germany. Redefining the Fight The culture war isn’t about capitalism versus socialism—it’s about globalism versus localism. The “left” isn’t about public ownership or defending public services; it’s about progressivism that erodes national identity and traditional values. A new populist party must reject the old dogmas of both sides: It should see the EU as a tool of a supranational elite, not just “Germany.” It should define patriotism as supporting ordinary people, not just waving flags or backing the monarchy. It should stay neutral in foreign conflicts, like Israel versus the Arab world, that don’t concern Britain. It should believe Britain can stand alone with protectionist policies, not rely on global free trade. It should support referendums to give power back to the people, not the elite. This movement must also conserve what matters: the green belt, local pubs, historic buildings, and British identity. It should oppose economic Darwinism, where small shops are crushed by supermarkets, and reject the idea that tax evaders are “entrepreneurs” while benefit claimants are “scroungers.” It should blame big business, not immigrants, for low wages and job competition.

A Call to Action

To win, populists must target the right voters and seats. They should focus on marginal constituencies where a 30-40% vote share can secure victory in a three-way split. They should appeal to non-voters, who are disillusioned but not apathetic, and build a coalition that draws from both old Labour and Tory bases. By rejecting progressivism and globalism, this movement can give people pride in their communities, a stake in society through co-operative ownership, and a reason to vote again. The mainstream parties have failed. The Tories conserve nothing but wealth, and Labour has abandoned the working class for middle-class liberalism. A new populist, nationalist party—one that’s tough on cultural issues but fair on economic ones—can fill the void. It’s time to redefine politics, reject the “left-right” divide, and fight for a Britain that puts its people first.

Ten Key Themes of a New Populist Movement

Localism Over Globalism: Support small businesses, co-ops, and protectionist policies to keep British industries strong.

Anti-Globalist Stance: Oppose multinational corporations, foreign ownership of British assets, and global free trade that harms workers.

Neutrality in Foreign Affairs: Stay out of overseas conflicts that benefit global elites, not Britain.

Defend Traditional Values: Protect family, community, and Britain’s cultural heritage against progressive ideologies.

Economic Fairness: Back fair wages, affordable housing, job security, and public services like the NHS.

Power to the People: Use referendums to give ordinary Britons a say, not just the elite.

Conserve What Matters: Protect the green belt, local pubs, historic buildings, and British identity from greedy developers.

Oppose Economic Darwinism: Support subsidies for small shops and industries to compete against corporate giants.

Blame Big Business, Not Immigrants: Hold corporations accountable for low wages and job competition, not workers.

Unite the Working Class: Build a coalition of traditional Labour and Tory voters who share distrust of globalism and progressivism.

Author: Russell White, founder and Leader of the Populist Party.